墨西哥与仪式史学
符号的沼泽和人类学、文学理论的泥潭似乎都与历史的陆地相距甚远。当然，那些借鉴文化人类学的学者，尤其是格尔茨，也遭到了诸多批评。罗纳德·维特斯（Ronald WaIters）十多年前就曾指出，当格尔茨在进行深描时，他并不是特别清楚应该如何避免“潜在的愚昧无知”。而维特斯和其他许多学者更为关心的是，对于象征意义的关注似乎使得社会对于真实民众的影响消失了，就像对于阶级、剥削和权力等概念的关注一样。他明确地指出，牢记“象征性戏剧可以为权力、统治、剥削和反抗等更远大的目的服务”这一点非常重要。(59)加布丽埃尔·斯皮格尔（Gabrielle Spiegel）在最近发表的一篇论述文本和语境关系的文章中指出，对于文本意义（而不是人类经验）的关注常常会让历史行动者的社会作用被遗忘。在她看来，有必要认识到“社会活动的全部意义并不止于它的象征意义”。(60)
基于这些批评，不同时代、不同地方的历史学家一直在探索宗教在国家建设中的地位。即使像格尔茨最近所说的那样，“权力的表象及其实质很难被撬开”，但是探讨国家权力的形式与实质的各种尝试仍然取得了可喜的成果，尤其是对于罗马帝国和当代加纳等不同社会的考察。(61)在拉丁美洲，历史学家也已经接受了将国家以及有关权力、政治的问题重新纳入社会历史这一挑战。(62)本书聚焦于统治的仪式以及那些墨西哥人（自西班牙殖民统治以来）用于接受、改造、忽视或争夺权威的仪式，旨在为上述事业贡献一点绵薄之力。
正如威廉·泰勒所指出的，掌握拉丁美洲历史面临的一个困难在于，从表面上看，它似乎是那么熟悉。(63)因此，存在这样一种预判，那就是整个拉丁美洲的发展（无论哪个国家）都是相同的，都类似于欧洲或美国的模式。但在肤浅的表象以外，其实存在巨大的差异；而且，尽管存在延续性，细微而明显的差别仍然是墨西哥文化表现的特征。我们希望能彰显墨西哥的这种独特性及其关联。
因此，我们结合相关的理论或史学知识对本书的每篇文章进行了介绍。我们关注欧洲和美国的研究，同时也会提及其他拉丁美洲的案例，以便读者进行比较，从而更加全面地了解墨西哥丰富的文化历史。
(1)本节标题受到爱德华·赫尔曼（Edward S. Herman）和诺姆·乔姆斯基（Norm Chomsky）所著的《制造共识：大众传媒的政治经济学》（Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media）（纽约，1988；中文版参：邵红松译，北京：北京大学出版社，2011）的启发。本书中的部分主题与他们的论点产生了共鸣。
(2)Patricia Seed, “Taking Possession and Reading Texts: Establishing the Authority of Overseas Empires,”William and Mary Quarterly 49, 3d ser. (April 1992): 183-209.锡德教授考察了英国人和西班牙人所使用的占有行为的象征意义，并依据住房的建造和旗帜或十字架等标志加强的占有声明确立了上述两者的区别。引自该文第206—207页。
(3)通过理解阿兹特克人的方式来检验仪式的最初尝试，详见Inga Clendinnen, Aztecs: An Interpretation(Cambridge, 1991), 236-263。
(4)AAAM, vol. 1058; Festividades Diversas, Legajo I, Expediente 2. Decree, August 29, 1822.
(5)Paul Friedrich, “Revolutionary Politics and Communal Ritual,” in Political Anthropology, ed. Marc J.Swartz, Victor W. Turner, and Arthur Tuden (Chicago, 1966), 191-220；Imelda de León, coordinator,Calendario de Fiestas Populares (México, 1988), vii.
(6)Clifford Geertz, Negara: The Theater-State in Nineteenth-Century Bali (Princeton, NJ, 1980), 128.（中文版参：《尼加拉：十九世纪巴厘剧场国家》，赵丙祥译，北京：商务印书馆，2018。）
(7)Inga Clendinnen, Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, 1517-1570 (Cambridge,1987), 115.
(8)参见里斯·艾萨克（Rhys Isaac）所著《弗吉尼亚的转变，1740—1790》（The Transformation of Virginia, 1740-1790）（教堂山，北卡罗来纳，1982）一书的方法论附录，第323—357页。
(9)尽管当权者试图通过对社会秩序的理想化描述（往往通过仪式）使其合法化，但是这一过程不可避免地为主体提供了形成批评的象征性工具。参见James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak:Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT, 1985), chap. 8, esp. 338。（中文版参：《弱者的武器：农民反抗的日常形式》，郑广怀、张敏、何江穗译，南京：译林出版社，2007。）就墨西哥语境中这一发展以及斯科特对于墨西哥的假设的讨论，参见Alan Knight, “Peculiarities of Mexican History: Mexico Compared to Latin America, 1821-1992,” JLAS 29(Quincentenary Supplement, 1992): 115, 124-125; and Knight’s “Weapons and Arches in the Mexican Revolutionary Landscape,” in Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico, ed. Gilbert M. Joseph (Durham, NC, 1994)。
(10)Victor Turner, The Forest of Symbols (lthaca, NY, 1967), 20-30.
(11)Christel Lane, The Rites of Rulers: Ritual in Industrial Society-The Soviet Case (Cambridge, 1981), 25. 本段落的大部分材料均基于莱恩对于象征和仪式的讨论，第191—238页。
(12) David Cannadine, “The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the ‘Invention of Tradition,’ c. 1820-1977,” in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge, 1983), 157. 另参见坎纳丁之前的一篇文章”The Transformation of Civic Ritual in Modern Britain: The Colchester Oyster Feast,” PP 94 (February 1982): 107-130。
(13)David Brading, “Tridentine Catholicism and Enlightened Despotism in Bourbon Mexico,” JLAS 15(1983): 1-22; Juan Pedro Viqueira Alban, ¿Relajados o reprimidos? Diversiones públicas y vida social en la ciudad de México durante el Siglo de las Luces (México, 1987). 这本书的英译本由学术资源联盟（Scholarly Resources）提供。
(14)Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev.ed. (London, 1991), 81, 169, 205-206.（中文版参：《想象的共同体：民族主义的起源与散布》，吴叡人译，上海：上海人民出版社，2016。）另参见简·弗朗哥（Jean Franco）在《密谋女性：墨西哥的性别与代表》（Plotting Women: Gender and Representation in Mexico）（纽约，1989）一书中关于墨西哥的想象共同体的讨论，第134页。
(15)Annick Lemperiere, “D’un centenaire de l’indépendance à l’autre (1910-1921): L’invention de la mémoire culturelle du Mexique contemporain”，法国巴黎第一大学（the Université de Paris-I）未发表演讲.
(16)Ilene V. O’Malley, The Myth of the Revolution: Hero Cults and the Institutionalization of the Mexican State, 1920-1940 (Westport, CT, 1986).
(17)Enrique Plasencia de la Parra, Independencia y nacionalismo a la luz del discurso conmemorativo(1825-1867) (México, 1991), 137-138；Fernando Serrano Migallón, El Grito de Independencia:Historia de una pasión nacional (México, 1981).
(18)关于阿根廷的案例，参见Henry Ph. Vogel, “Elements of Nation-Building in Argentina: Buenos Aires,1810-1828” (Ph.D. diss., University of Florida, 1987)。
(19)David A. Brading, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State,1492-1867 (Cambridge, 1991), 634-637, 645.
(20)Eric Hobsbawm, “Introduction: Invention Traditions,” in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Hobsbawm and Ranger, 4-5, 9. 另参见“Mass-Producing Traditions: Europe, 1870-1914,” 同前引, 263-307。
(21)参见Mi libro de Historia de México. Quinto Grado (México, 1992)。
(22)Mona Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution, trans. Alan Sheridan (Cambridge, MA, 1988),262-282.
(23)Clifford Geertz, “Centers, Kings, and Charisma: Reflections on the Symbolics of Power,” in Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics since the Middle Ages, ed. Sean Wilentz (Philadelphia, 1985),30.
(24)Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution(Oxford, 1985), 187-188, 191, 200. 关于本书的墨西哥版本，参见Knight, “Weapons and Arches,”and “Peculiarities of Mexican History,” 138-144。
(25)引自Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution (Cambridge, 1986), 2: 497。
(26)参见本书第九章和第十章，作者分别为比兹利和弗伦奇；以及Steven B. Bunker, “Making the Good Old Days: Invented Tradition and Civic Ritual in Northern Mexico, 1880-1910” (Honors thesis,University of British Columbia, 1992)。
(27)关于一家公司通过影像构建社会现实的案例，参见David E. Nye, Image Worlds: Corporate Identities at General Electric, 1890-1930 (Cambridge, MA, 1985)。
(28)Maurice Agulhon, The Republic in the Village: The People of the Var from the French Revolution to the Second Republic, trans. Janet Lloyd (Cambridge, 1982), 91.
(29)William B. Taylor, Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages (Stanford, CA,1979）；Nancy M. Farriss, Maya Society under Spanish Colonial Rule: The Collective Enterprise of Survival (Princeton, NJ, 1984).
(30)参见George M. Foster, Tzintzuntzan: Mexican Peasants in a Changing World (Boston, 1967)。更多最近的研究包括John M. Ingham, Mary, Michael, and Lucifer: Folk Catholicism in Central Mexico(Austin, TX, 1986)；Guillermo de la Peña, A Legacy of Promises: Agriculture, Politics and Ritual in the Morelos Highlands of Mexico (Austin, TX, 1981), 197-224；Judith Friedlander, Being Indian in Hueyapan: A Study of Forced Identity in Contemporary Mexico (New York, 1975)。
(31)Stanley Brandes, Power and Persuasion: Fiestas and Social Control in Rural Mexico (Philadelphia,1988), 127-139. 该作者在第139页列举了得出相同结论的其他研究。
(32)Ingham, Mary, Michael, and Lucifer, 180, 189.
(33)关于单一社区内新教徒与天主教仪式之间的冲突，参见Sheldon Annis, God and Production in a Guatemalan Town (Austin, 1987), 90—98。在危地马拉的圣安东尼奥（San Antonio），仪式活动变得如此昂贵，以至于天主教仪式生活所产生的费用（代表着某种文化税或对于社区的投资）相当于一个家庭总收入的四分之一。尽管在这个特定的社区，人们对于上述费用有着不同的看法；不出所料，当地的新教徒认为这既是一种“浪费”，也是一种“罪过”。
(34)迈克尔·索南舍尔（Michael Sonenscher）在《工作与工资：自然法、政治与18世纪的法国贸易》（Work and Wages: Natural Law, Politics and the Eighteenth-Century French Trades，Cambridge,1989）一书中描述了仪式是如何创造一个“具有暂时性差异的复杂世界”的，第298页。参见第295—327页关于伙伴社的延伸讨论。
(35)Marcello Carmagnani, “Un movimiento político indio: La ‘rebelión’ de Tehuantepec, 1660-1661,”17-35, and Eric Van Young, “Mentalities and Collectivities: A Comment,” 337-353, esp. 340-341, in Patterns of Contention in Mexican History, ed. Jaime E. Rodríguez O. (Wilmington, DE, 1992).
(36)Paul J. Vanderwood, Disorder and Progress: Bandits, Police, and Mexican Development, rev. and enlarged ed. (Wilmington, DE, 1992), 148-150.
(37)阿居隆（Agulhon）认为“政治提供了场合及目的，而民俗则提供了表达手段”。参见Republic in the Village, 164, 254, 258-259。关于喧嚣仪式，参见Alan Greer, “From Folklore to Revolution:Charivaris and the Lower Canadian Rebellion of 1837,” Social History 15, no. 1 (January 1990)；关于狂欢节，参见Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Carnival at Romans (New York, 1979)以及Natalie Zemon Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, CA, 1975)。
(38)David Garrioch, Neighbourhood and Community in Paris, 1740-1790 (Cambridge, 1986), 196-201;Robert Muchembled, Popular Culture and Elite Culture in France, 1400-1750 (Baton Rouge, LA,1985), 122-148, 171-174, 212; Peter Burke, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe (New York,1978), 207-243; Robert A. Schneider, Public Life in Toulouse, 1463-1789: From Municipal Republic to Cosmopolitan City (Ithaca, NY, 1989), 353.
(39)Pilar Gonzalbo Aizpuru, “Las fiestas novohispanas: Espectáculo y ejemplo,” Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 9, no. 1 (Winter 1993): 45. 关于波旁王朝反对民间天主教，特别是大众宗教游行、仪式和“迷信”的运动的更多内容，可参见Brading, The First America, esp. 494-500, 509,549, 558。
(40)Viqueira Albán, ¿Relajados o reprimidos?, 240. 可参见作者对于从大众手中夺取公共空间的尝试的广泛探讨，第133—169页、第222—240页。
(41)参见“Peaceful and Working People: The Inculcation of the Capitalist Work Ethic in a Mexican Mining District (Hidalgo District, Chihuahua, 1880-1920)” (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 1990)。对于在公共空间争夺中使用符号的精彩概述，参见James Epstein, “Understanding the Cap of Liberty:Symbolic Practice and Social Conflict in Early Nineteenth-Century England,” PP 12, no. 2 (February 1989): 75-118; Patrick Joyce, Visions of the People: Industrial England and the Question of Class,1848-1914 (Cambridge, 1991), 53-54。
(42)参见（例如）Knight, Mexican Revolution，1:245-246; Carlos Martínez Assad, El laboratorio de la revolución: El Tabasco garridista (Mexico, 1979)。
(43)Ellen M. Litwicki, “From Patrón to Patria: Fiestas and Mexicano Identity in Late Nineteenth-Century Tucson”（该论文发表于1992年美国历史学家组织年会）。
(44)Susan G. Davis, Parades and Power: Street Theatre in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia (Philadelphia,1986), 151-153.
(45)Mary Ryan, “The American Parade: Representations of the Nineteenth Century Social Order,” in The New Cultural History, ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley, CA, 1989), 149.
(46)William H. Beezley, Judas at the Jockey Club and Other Episodes of Porfirian Mexico (Lincoln, NE,1987), 89-124.
(47)(Princeton, NJ, 1987), 6, 34, 38, 157-191, 225. 关于烹饪这一被忽视的话题以及它是如何将公共与私人庆祝活动相联系、表达民族主义并在地方及家庭层面践行国家计划的，可参见阿尔让·阿帕杜莱（Arjun Appadurai）提出的理论模型，“How to Make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in Contemporary India,” CSSH 30, no. I (January 1988): 3-24；以及帕特里夏·金塔纳（Patricia Quintana）和卡罗尔·哈雷尔森（Carol Harrelson）在《墨西哥的生活盛宴》（Mexico’s Feast of Life）（Tulsa，OK，1989）一书中提出的食谱实践。另参见Jeffrey M. Pilcher, “¡Vivan Tamales!The Creation of a Mexican National Cuisine” (Ph.D. diss., Texas Christian University, 1993)。
(48)James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT, 1990；中文版参：《支配与抵抗艺术：潜隐剧本》，王佳鹏译，南京：南京大学出版社，2021); E. P.Thompson, “Patrician Society, Plebeian Culture,” Journal of Social History 7, no. 4 (Summer 1974):382-405. 基思·巴索（Keith Basso）在《“白人”的画像：西部阿帕切人的语言游戏和文化符号》（Portraits of “The Whiteman”: Linguistic Play and Cultural Symbols among the Western Apache，Cambridge, 1979）一书中仔细考察了在阿帕切族居留地被作为一种对外界（尤其是威权）的反抗形式的嘲讽行为。
(49)参见“Bakhtin, Marxism, and the Carnivalesque” in Rethinking Intellectual History: Texts, Contexts,Language, by Dominick LaCapra (Ithaca, NY, 1983), esp. 301-306。针对拉卡普拉（LaCapra）影响的讨论，可参见Lloyd S. Kramer, “Literature, Criticism, and Historical Imagination: The Literary Challenge of Hayden White and Dominick LaCapra,” in Hunt, ed. New Cultural History, 97-128。
(50)AGN, Historia 19, fol. 257v-282; 罗马耶稣会档案馆（Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu）收藏的1676年5月28日报告《墨西哥》（“Mexicana”），发表于Documentos para la historia de México, 4th ser., 3: 272-294。感谢苏珊·迪兹（Susan Deeds）提醒我们注意这些信息。参见“Horrific Comedy: Cultural Resistance and the Hauka Movement in Niger,”Ethos 12, no. 2 (Summer 1984): 165-188，保罗·斯托勒（Paul Stoiler）在文中对臣民如何利用传统文化实践和模仿颠覆殖民当局进行了令人振奋的考察。
(51)María Elena Díaz, “The Satiric Penny Press for Workers in Mexico, 1900-1910: A Case Study in the Politicisation of Popular Culture,” JLAS 22, no. 3 (October 1990): 497-525. 该文章还被收录于John A. Britton, ed., Molding the Hearts and Minds: Education, Communications, and Social Change in Latin America (Wilmington, DE, 1994)。
(52)William H. Beezley, “Mexican Political Humor,” Journal of Latin American Lore 11, no. 2 (1985):195-223.
(53)Octavio Paz, The Labyrinth of Solitude, trans. Lysander Kemp (New York, 1985), 51.
(54)Davis, Society and Culture, 124-151.
(55)Epstein, “Understanding the Cap of Liberty,” 100-107.
(56)Joyce, Visions of the People, 171, 225.
(57)“Introduction: Custom and Culture,” in Customs in Common, ed. E. P. Thompson (London, 1991), 6.另参见作者在《贵族与平民》（The Patricians and the Plebs）一书中对法律及政治的戏剧性质的谈论，第46页。
(58)关于在墨西哥运用象征与现实二分法的早期研究，可参见Ruth Behar, “Sex and Sin, Witchcraft and the Devil in Late-Colonial Mexico,” American Ethnologist 14, no. 1 (February 1987): 34-54。
(59)Ronald G. Waiters, “Signs of the Times: Clifford Geertz and Historians,” Social Research 47, no. 4(Autumn 1980): 544, 553. 提出该观点的其他学者包括Suzanne Desan in “Crowds, Community, and Ritual in the Work of E. P. Thompson and Natalie Davis,” 68; Aletta Biersack, “Local Knowledge,Local History: Geertz and Beyond,” in Hunt, ed., New Cultural History, 72-96。
(60)Gabrielle Spiegel, “History, Historicism, and the Social Logic of the Text in the Middle Ages,”Speculum 65, no. 1 (January 1990): 85.
(61)Clifford Geertz, “History and Anthropology,” New Literary History 21(1989-90): 331. 另参见Sean Wilentz, ed., Rites of Power: Symbolism, Ritual, and Politics Since the Middle Ages (Philadelphia,1985); David Cannadine and Simon Price, Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies (Cambridge, 1987)。
(62)一个最近的例子可参见Richard Graham, Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil (Stanford,CA, 1990)。
(63)WiIliam B. Taylor, “Between Global Process and Local Knowledge: An Inquiry into Early Latin American Society History, 1500-1900,” in Reliving the Past: The Worlds of Social History, ed. Olivier Zunz (Chapel Hill, NC, 1985), 115.